Suchergebnisse

In 2015, Germany agreed to accept a million Syrian refugees. The country had become an epicenter of global migration and one of Europe's most diverse countries. But was this influx of migration new to Germany? In this volume, Jan Plamper charts the groups and waves of post-1945 mobility to Germany. This is a narrative history of multicultural Germany told through life-stories. It explores the experiences of the 12.5 million German expellees from Eastern Europe who arrived at the end of the Second World War; the 14 million 'guest workers' from Italy and Turkey who turned West Germany into an economic powerhouse; the GDR's Vietnamese labor migrants; and the 2.3 million Germans and 230,000 Jews who came from the Soviet Union after 1987.

"Seit einigen Jahren erfahren Emotionen auch in der Geschichtswissenschaft erhöhte Aufmerksamkeit. Es werden verschiedene, einflussreiche Ansätze der historiografischen Erforschung von Gefühlen vorgestellt und Perspektiven für die noch junge Disziplin der Emotionengeschichte aufgezeigt." (Autorenreferat)

The history of emotions is a burgeoning field—so much so, that some are invoking an "emotional turn." As a way of charting this development, I have interviewed three of the leading practitioners of the history of emotions: William Reddy, Barbara Rosenwein, and Peter Stearns. The interviews retrace each historian's intellectual-biographical path to the history of emotions, recapitulate key concepts, and critically discuss the limitations of the available analytical tools. In doing so, they touch on Reddy's concepts of "emotive," "emotional regime," and "emotional navigation," as well as on Rosenwein's "emotional community" and on Stearns's "emotionology" and offer glimpses of each historian's ongoing research. The interviews address the challenges presented to historians by research in the neurosciences and the like, highlighting the distinctive contributions offered by a historical approach. In closing, the interviewees appear to reach a consensus, envisioning the history of emotions not as a specialized field but as a means of integrating the category of emotion into social, cultural, and political history, emulating the rise of gender as an analytical category since its early beginnings as "women's history" in the 1970s.

Recent scholarship in the humanities and social sciences is awash with emotions. Affective social science, the cognitive poetics of emotion, the philosophy of emotions, the history of emotions, and the outer markers of institutionalization and professionalization—conferences, research clusters, dissertations, publications—together create a solid impression: this is a "turn," if there ever was one.It appears that this turn has reached Slavic studies. That it has taken so long may seem surprising. After all, in the western European imagination, "the east," and Russia as a part thereof, has long been linked with emotion—so unmediated and untrammeled that an indication of quantity sufficed as a description: too much emotion, extreme emotion, rather than a different kind of emotion. Whence the current emotional turn? Let me briefly map some of the roads that led to it.

This article provides an analysis of the locus of fear in military psychology in late imperial Russia. After the Russo-Japanese War and the 1905 Revolution, the debate coalesced around two poles: "realists" (such as the military psychiatrist Grigorii Shumkov) argued that fear was natural, while "romantics" upheld the image of constitutionally fearless soldiers. Jan Plamper begins by identifying the advent of modern warfare (foreshadowed by the Crimean War) and its engendering of more and different fears as a key cause for a dramatic increase in fear-talk among Russia's soldiers. He links these fears to literature, which offered—most prominentiy in Lev Tolstoi'sSevastopol Sketches(1855)—some of the vocabulary soldiers could use to express their fears. Mikhail Dragomirov's fear-centered military theory during the Great Reforms was the next milestone. Plamper closes by sketching the history of fear after World War I, from Iosif Stalin's penal battalions to the rehabilitation of military psychology under Nikita Khrushchev and beyond.

In der Sowjetunion markierte der Tod Stalins auch das Ende des Stalinkultes. Unmittelbar nach dem 5. März 1953 setzte die stille Phase der Enstalinisierung ein, bevor sie am 25. Februar 1956 durch Chruschtschows Geheimrede parteiöffentlich, nach dem 21. Parteitag 1961 gesamtöffentlich gemacht wurde. Anders als in der Sowjetunion florierte jedoch der ostdeutsche Stalinkult noch nach Stalins Tod und endete erst mit Chruschtschows Geheimrede. Offensichtlich funktionierte die Kommunikation zwischen DDR und UdSSR zwischen 5. März 1953 und 24. Februar 1956 anders als in den Jahren davor und danach. Die fehlende Umsetzung der stillen sowjetischen Entstalinisierung kennzeichnete nicht nur die DDR, sondern auch andere ostmitteleuropäische Staaten. Die Rezeption des Stalinkultes in der DDR besaß jedoch ihre Spezifik, die sie von anderen osteuropäischen Satellitenstaaten unterschied. Das Besondere des ostdeutschen Stalinkultes lag in der Erinnerung an den Hitlerkult und an die antistalinistische NS-Propaganda, in einer vergleichsweise pluralistischen Medienlandschaft in Ostdeutschland, die von der Reichweite der Westmedien herrührte, und in den heterodoxen, Stalin-kritischen Botschaften, die über diese Westmedien vermittelt wurden. (ICA2)

Political education is supposed to help overcome prejudices & to enable people to make use of their capacity for reason without being told what to think by someone else. No didactic material, however well prepared, can replace the lessons one can learn from life. While performing his alternative service at the beginning of the 1990s with Aktion Suhnezeichen, the author helped to look after four elderly ladies who were able to relate a great deal about Stalinism & Nazism. A decade later, these issues are at the centre of a debate in historical studies. Adapted from the source document.